“First the poor.” This has been AMLO’s rallying cry and also reflects Latin American Catholic social teaching, the “preferential option for the poor,” that resonates throughout this Catholic country. Has AMLO delivered?

 

Pedro Gellert: Worldwide, we have growing economic inequality. AMLO aims to reverse that trend in México. The minimum wage has been increased by 30 percent. Today, 25 million receive government benefits from various programs, up from 6 million before his election, with 75 percent of Mexican families receiving aid. And priority has been placed on helping indigenous peoples, who are among the poorest of the poor.

 

The “First the poor” slogan has a political purpose as well. It lets the public understand that those who have suffered the most will now be first in line. It promotes the ideals of solidarity and a just society.

 

“No stealing, no lying, no betraying”: a second slogan and moral imperative. This slogan seems especially difficult to enforce!

 

Corruption — a normal, ingrained part of daily life in México — has been the issue that most enrages the people as they witness the shameless self-enrichment of the powerful. AMLO has stopped “business as usual.” He attacked crooked government purchase contracts with their artificially inflated prices. Just by going after corporate tax evaders, he increased fiscal revenue by $640 billion.

 

Another issue that angered the public: the massive theft of gasoline facilitated by corrupt government and union officials, with a whopping 40 percent of fuel stolen and resold on the black market. AMLO reduced such theft by 87 percent. Previously, social benefits were distributed through intermediaries, generally local PRI power brokers. Now people receive their assistance through a form of debit card directly from the federal government.

 

The savings from these measures and what we call “republican austerity” is paying for the increased benefits going out to people, without having to increase foreign debt, raise taxes, or boost prices.

 

The word “austerity” makes us think of neoliberal cuts to public services and privatization. What does AMLO mean by “republican austerity?

 

When AMLO took office, he didn’t move into the luxurious presidential residency. Instead he opened that residence to the public as a museum and cultural space. AMLO also sought to sell the presidential jet. Salaries of government officials have been slashed. Under AMLO, serving in public office is no longer about getting rich. It’s no wonder the public loves this!

 

As a Morena activist, what do you see as the challenges the party faces?

 

Morena has 3 million members on paper. We still have much to do to strengthen our party’s structure and improve internal democracy. We don’t have enough political discussion and debate, a problem since anyone — including opportunists! — can join Morena.

 

One bright spot has been the National Institute of Political Education, led mainly by left intellectuals. The Institute’s webinars attract as many as 3,000 at a time, and political educational study circles have formed at the neighborhood level.

 

Morena began as both a party and a movement. But it has become more electorally oriented and less a “movement.” Given that midterm elections are coming up in 2021, that focus makes sense for now. We can’t continue making progress — given the virulent hostility of the old entrenched parties and major business sectors — unless we maintain and expand the Morena majority in Congress.

 

In the US, midterm elections usually see the President’s party lose state and local seats. What do you see as the prognosis for Morena in 2021?

 

AMLO’s support remains at about 68 percent. Morena appears ready to expand its representation in the states and win the vast majority of the upcoming gubernatorial races. We’re optimistic. And we hope our friends in the US can help us get the breathing room we need to continue Morena’s transformational agenda.